Adieu, Team Canada?
Populism and the erosion of norms in Canadian intergovernmental relations
Populism is reshaping Canadian politics in numerous ways.
As my colleague, Feo Snagovsky put it: sometimes populists go beyond challenging the “gatekeepers” to dismantling the gates altogether.
It’s easier to see these changes when populists attack brick-and-mortar institutions or pass laws in full view. The assault on unwritten norms is less obvious, but just as dangerous to our liberal democracies.
In Canada, populists are undermining long-standing norms in intergovernmental relations. For generations, a series of unwritten rules have fostered cooperation, trust, and mutual respect among political actors; these pluralist values are now being replaced by competition, gamesmanship, and open disrespect. This shift has serious implications for national unity, international relations, and Canada’s economic future.
Unlike other federations with institutionalized structures for collaboration, Canadian federalism relies heavily on norms, customs, and informal understandings to guide relationships between governments.
Respecting these customs used to be a bedrock principle of Canadian conservatism, which valued tradition and stability as essential to governance. However, the rise of right-wing populism is chipping away at these values, with leaders increasingly prioritizing immediate political wins over long-term gains.
In this context, the erosion of intergovernmental norms threatens not only national unity but also Canada’s ability to effectively project its interests on the global stage.
Eroding Norms
I spent over seven years in intergovernmental relations (IGR) in both Alberta and Manitoba. I cut my teeth under some of the Deans of IGR — folks who contributed to the patriation of the constitution, the Meech Lake and Charlottetown Accords, NAFTA, the response to Quebec separatism, the Social Union Framework Agreement, among other monumental pieces of intergovernmental work.
In the process, I learned a lot about the unwritten rules of intergovernmental relations, many of which are being broken today.
Avoiding Partisanship
Traditionally, federal and provincial leaders avoided exploiting intergovernmental conflicts for partisan gain or interfering in each other's elections. However, this restraint is eroding as both premiers and prime ministers increasingly engage in partisan attacks. Prime ministers Harper and Trudeau have campaigned against premiers during both federal and provincial elections, and premiers have more than reciprocated. This mutual escalation exacerbates partisan and regional divides, making constructive collaboration between jurisdictions more difficult.
Respecting Consensus
The Council of the Federation (CoF) was designed to foster interprovincial cooperation and consensus on shared priorities. However, premiers now often break from this norm by hosting smaller, exclusive press conferences before and after CoF meetings to promote their own agendas or criticize Ottawa. This splintering of consensus undermines the forum's credibility, with premiers prioritizing public posturing over genuine collaboration. This comes at the cost of working together to solve some of the biggest challenges facing our country.
Providing Advance Notice
The courtesy of providing advance notice before significant visits or policy announcements is diminishing at all levels. Prime ministers, including Justin Trudeau, frequently visit provincial capitals without informing premiers, straining relationships and eroding trust. Similarly, premiers often fail to notify one another of major initiatives that have national implications. Alberta Premier Danielle Smith’s proposal to withdraw from the Canada Pension Plan blindsided other provinces, forcing them into reactive positions on an issue with profound economic and political ramifications. Built on the populist impulse to make up policy on-the-fly, these unilateral actions disrupt intergovernmental harmony and deepen divisions. They also break the trust ties required to get things done on a national level.
Staying out of Constitutional Debates
While Canadian leaders once avoided constitutional debates except when necessary, recent years have seen a flurry of unilateral constitutional initiatives. Quebec and Saskatchewan recently introduced consitutionally-questionable amendments asserting provincial autonomy. Alberta’s Sovereignty Act purports to enable the province to ignore federal laws it deems unconstitutional — a move that, itself, is “anti-constitutional”. Alberta’s referendum on removing the equalization principle from the constitution was equally beyond the pale. This constitutional cosplay destabilizes the federation by politicizing the country’s supreme law, while casual musings from populist premiers about using the notwithstanding clause to subdue fundamental rights and freedoms only add to the problem.
Team Canada
The decline of the "Team Canada" approach in international relations is another troubling trend. Historically, Canada presented a unified federal-provincial stance on trade and diplomacy, with provinces deferring to federal leadership. While provinces have long maintained trade offices abroad and participated in meetings with U.S. governors, recent developments show a shift toward independent, seemingly uncoordinated initiatives. Offering unsolicited, public advice to the prime minister is one thing. As amusing they may be on this side of the border, off-handed jokes and impressions of Donald Trump don’t help. Neither do one-off provincial junkets to the United States, where premiers seek (but seldom if ever secure) audiences with Senate leaders (let alone the president). These actions, aimed primarily at domestic audiences, may score political points at home but risk upending delicate negotiations and sending mixed signals to international partners.
Getting Back on Track
To address these challenges, leaders at all levels of government must commit to re-establishing norms that prioritize cooperation and stability. Here are four steps they can take.
Reinforce Formal Structures: Provincial and federal leaders should explore reforms to institutionalize intergovernmental relations. This includes creating independent secretariats to support bodies like the Council of the Federation and the First Ministers’ Meetings, ensuring consistency and reducing the reliance on political will alone.
Commit to Regular Dialogue: Premiers and the Prime Minister should commit to frequent, structured interactions to build trust and prevent surprises. Biweekly meetings about the Trump tariffs and NAFTA are a good start, and mirror the process used in the early days of the COVID-19 pandemic. Where possible, these meetings should include all relevant stakeholders, and first ministers should consider opposition voices prior to and after these sessions. This was done throughout the mega-constitutional period of the 1980s and, in some jurisdictions, during the pandemic.
Balance Federal Leadership with Provincial Inclusion: The federal government must take a leadership role in fostering national unity but do so by meaningfully engaging provincial leaders. This includes incorporating their priorities into federal policy planning and respecting regional differences. This was done relatively effectively in negotiations around the Comprehensive Economic Trade Agreement with the EU and the Canada-US-Mexico Agreement, so the processes and institutions exist.
Promote a Non-Partisan Culture in IGR: Leaders should refrain from using intergovernmental disputes as partisan tools, instead framing cooperation as essential to the broader national good. Political parties should encourage this norm by holding their own leaders accountable when they violate it. First ministers can make this easier by meeting with opposition leaders to discuss a whole-of-jurisdiction approach to IGR.
A prospective Poilievre government offers an opportunity for a reset of both international and intergovernmental strategy. In the meantime, populism’s challenge to the pluralist foundations of liberal democracy extends to the norms that sustain Canadian intergovernmental relations. While such norms may seem arcane, they are critical to maintaining national unity and projecting Canadian interests abroad. Rebuilding respect for these unwritten rules will require deliberate efforts from the prime minister, premiers, and opposition leaders to re-establish trust and prioritize cooperation. Without this renewed commitment, the consequences for Canadian governance, unity, and economic security could be profound.
I totally agree with your list of remedies, especially the depoliticizing of institutions,
But I must point out that fed-prov conflict has been the norm since at least the 70s, if not since the beginning of Canada...
When was this golden age of which you speak?!
Some may think the unpopularity of Justin Trudeau is unprecedented, but I grew up in AB in the 70s-80s, and no PM has ever been reviled as much as PET then and there. BTW, I was and remain a fan of both Trudeaus, ha! I was as socially popular as Gretzky haters....
Our federal system of very strong provincial powers is both democratically robust (local decision-making, regional diversity, etc.) and very messy and inefficient.
The Covid challenge exposed many fault lines around national coordination esp re data sharing, comms plans, etc.
Conflict between levels of government is practically Canada's motto.
Conservatives complain that Canada is broken, yet much of what doesn't work well is because we culturally do not accept national authority. We place a very high value on autonomy and freedom.
But freedom has a price.
It feels like the provincial conservatives premiers are the biggest bad actors here, playing along with their F Trudeau base. I wonder how that changes if there is a Poilievre federal government?